TVA Rural Studies
Telecommunications Technology and American Rural
Development in the 21st Century
Edward J. Malecki
Department of Geography
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611-7315
July 1996
6. The Location of Knowledge-Based Economic
Activities
Are cities necessarily the best or only locations for
business in a world of telematics? The almost universal
availability of telecommunications capability is
"creating a footloose economy that permits firms to
locate where they want to be, not where the traditional
centers of finance and commerce dictate they have to
be" (Heenan 1991: 9; Hack 1993). Saunders, Warford,
and Wellenius (1994: 121-134) similarly conclude that
investment to provide telecommunications connectivity
reduces the relative concentration of economic activity
in large cities. The situation two decades ago was
"unclear," with some information activities
potentially quite footloose and others firmly rooted in
central metropolitan locations (Abler 1974: 334). Britton
and Gertler (1986), a decade later, were more certain of
the situation. They conclude that
the best location continues to be large urban
centers. . . Regardless of their size,
technology-intensive firms are dependent on both
private- and public-sector contacts, and there is,
therefore, an imperative for such producers to
cluster in locations that afford them the best
opportunities for face-to-face contact with actual
and potential customers (Britton and Gertler 1986:
162-163).
In short, "cities are primarily focal points of
power based on communication; their power reflects their
accessibility the range and quality of contacts and
relationship that the city has with the rest of the
world. Their communication channels, skills, and
knowledge resources develop as locally based
organizations extend their operations worldwide"
(Knight 1989: 40).
The importance of knowledge-intensive activities is
critical to understanding the potential role of
telecommunications as a factor of production. The
advanced services sector, including many government and
non-profit organizations, is especially dependent on
communication links (Table 1). However, the number of
cities whose economies are based on knowledge-intensive
activities, such as headquarters, advertising and
accounting firms, and foreign banks, is quite small
(Daniels 1993; Moss 1987).
The geography of corporate networks shows a
persistent concentration of headquarters in large urban
areas. It is not merely a coincidence that new
technologies are put in place earliest in the largest
cities, where demand by large business and government
customers justifies the investment (Castells, 1989:
142-151; Moss 1987). The spread of a series of
improvements in the USA by both AT&T and its
competitors shows convincingly that the large-city
business routes, connecting markets in New York, the
Boston-Washington corridor, and then Chicago and Los
Angeles, are the priority of telecommunications providers
(Langdale 1983). The fiber-optic network has been
evolving in the same pattern (Warf 1995). Salomon (1988:
324-325) provides an explanation:
A key economic factor in the development of
telecommunications systems is the spatial density of
demand. The returns on investments are dependent on
usage level more than on access rates. Therefore,
suppliers prefer investments in areas where the
market is big enough to generate high returns per
line. This is not likely to occur in sparsely
populated areas, and investments there will take
place, either under regulators' requirements or under
a belief by suppliers that a particular area will in
the future develop to a point where demand per line
will be substantial.
Corporate telecommunications and computer networks,
despite a growing locational flexibility in production
and labor processes, remain coordinated by a centralized
headquarters (Hepworth 1990). "Network firms"
are able to take advantage of telecommunications
technology for purchasing, manufacturing, and marketing
functions, in addition to conventional control
activities, such as accounting, forecasting, and
planning. Despite the development of a standardized
global network, which allows firms to reduce coordination
costs, both internally and with other firms, footloose
firms remain geographically concentrated in large cities.
But will cities and urban concentration diminish as
telematics continue to develop and find new uses in
business? Most observers foresee little decline in urban
concentration (J. Parker 1995). Cities that are centers
for face-to-face communication also will benefit most
from the spread of advanced telecommunications systems.
The absence of a sophisticated telecommunications
infrastructure may act as a deterrent in attracting
information-based service firms. The infrastructure may
be built to serve existing firms, but access to
sophisticated telecommunications service can stimulate
new uses and users, generating even further expansion of
the telecommunications infrastructure (Moss 1987: 539).
More research on the locational factors in office
location has taken place in Europe than in the USA. Ease
and quality of air connections took only slight
precedence over ease and quality of telecommunications in
the choice of location for European regional offices;
these were the two most important location factors for
the firms surveyed (Dunning and Norman 1983). A later
study (Dunning and Norman 1987) included both
"telephone and telex quality" and
"telecommunication costs" among 40 factors
influencing location of an overseas office of
multinational companies in six sectors. Communication
quality was the most important location factor for branch
offices of trade and finance firms, followed closely by
proximity to clients. A recent survey by Plant Location
International found that availability and quality of
telephone, fax and data lines ranked highest when it came
to choosing locations for various operational functions
(Schaefer 1994).
The continuing centralization of office-based
activities is accounted for by the argument that
"the greater the extent of the geographic
decentralization of production activities . . . the
greater the need for the centralization of key control
activities" (Coffey and Polse 1989: 19).
Coffey and Polse (1989) see producer service
location as a result of three factors: a pool of highly
skilled labor, complementary economic activities, and the
costs involved in "delivering" the
"product" to the market. All of these are most
available in large urban centers. It is clear that new
technologies are put in place earliest in large markets,
meaning large urban areas with a high density of business
users. Moss (1987: 544) summarizes:
"telecommunications is creating a new urban
hierarchy, in which those cities that are already
information-intensive are becoming even stronger as
telecommunications hubs."
Jump to Section:
Contents, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, (6), 7, 8, 9, 10, Table 1, References
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